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There came at last a brief moment on
the continent of North America when the occupying great powers came to
an understanding. France switched sides. In 1670 Louis XIV and Charles
II made a secret personal treaty of alliance, and in 1672 France and
England joined in war against the Netherlands. In the same year Canada
and New York suppressed the feud between the Mohawks and the Mahicans.
When the Mahicans proposed an expedition against the Mohawks, the French
rejected it. The Mohawks heard of the proposal and ran to Albany. "We
have accepted the peace which has been made by you people," they said.
"Speak with the Mahikanders so that they come and do as we do." Albany's
magistrates promised to "take care that the peace will remain steadfast"
and to "force the Mahikanders to come here," continuing with the promise
of explicit sanctions: "if they come to slay one of you, then they will
see that they will have to deal with us, and we will revenge it." Peace
ensued. It was indeed so reliable a peace that Mohawks could afford to
get roaring drunk in Albany and stagger back home along paths formerly
overrun by Mahican bushwhackers. On the French side, missionary Father
Lamberville thought it was a "baleful peace" that created such
opportunities for continued drunkenness, but Governor Frontenac enforced
it. Thus the Indian allies of France's colony and England's colony were
pacified immediately when the empires leagued.64
The alliance between Stuart and Bourbon was not matched by amity between
Stuart and Calvert. Intermittent and desultory war continued between
James Stuart's Iroquois and Charles Calvert's Susquehannock's, to the
apparent disadvantage of the Iroquois. In 1672 a war party of Senecas
and Cayugas was routed by equal numbers of Susquehannock adolescents. In
1673 the Iroquois appealed for help from their new friends in Canada;
they "earnestly exhorted" Governor Frontenac to assist them against the
Susquehannock's because "it would be a shame for him to allow his
children to be crushed, as they saw themselves about to be . . . they
not having the means of going to attack [the Susquehannock's] in their
fort, which was very strong, nor even of defending themselves if the
others came to attack them in their villages." Frontenac put them off
without a commitment, and the odds are long that he did not arm them
covertly: first, because it was no time for the French to be meddling
with Indian conflicts deep within English territory; secondly, because
Frontenac's government was suffering from an acute shortage of munitions
for its own defense, as he reported to France in November, 1674.65
This is a significant date. According to the usual sort of comment about
the Susquehannock's, they are supposed to have been badly beaten by the
Iroquois sometime between 1672 and 1675. We have seen what shape the
Iroquois were in until 1672. The French records make it clear that the
Iroquois could not possibly have launched a successful attack before
July, 1673, when they met with Frontenac; and they could not have
obtained any considerable supply of arms from the French thereafter
through November, 1674. Even if we suspect Frontenac of wanting to arm
the Iroquois clandestinely, we must conclude that he could not have done
so through the winter of 1674/1675; because of the winter freeze on the
St. Lawrence, it was impossible for Frontenac's appeal for an arms
shipment from France to be answered before the spring thaw. The
importance of all this arises from the fact that the Susquehannock's
abandoned their old village and fort on the Susquehanna River in
February, 1675, to retire into Maryland.66 Assuming, only for the sake
of argument, that the retirement had been forced by Iroquois pressure
the Iroquois would have had to get arms from somewhere besides Canada.
Was it Albany, then? There are excellent reasons for rejecting this
possibility also, but they must be seen as part of the whole pattern of
events at Chesapeake and Delaware bays.66
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Notes: |
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64 |
Treaty
minutes, Albany, 23 July, 1672, Livingston Indian Records, pp.
35-37; Jean Dc Lamberville, "Relation of 1672-73," Jesuit
Relations 57: p. 81. |
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65 |
Pierre
Raffeix, June, 1672, Jesuit Relations 56: pp. 55-57; Frontenac's
journal, 17-18 July 1673, N. V. Col. Does. 9: pp. 108, 110-111;
Frontenac to Colbert, 14 Nov., 1674, ibid. 9: pp. 116117. |
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66 |
Minutes, 19
Feb., 1675, Md. Arch. (Upper House) 2: pp. 428-429. |
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