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In order to get the Susquehannock's out
of the Virginia wilderness, we must take a roundabout path back through
New York and take notice of some of the other turmoils of that unquiet
era. In doing so we shall have to study well a statesman damned by New
England and praised by William Penn (who, of course, was also damned by
New England). Late in 1674 the Duke of York commissioned Edmund Andros
to govern the territories reconquered from the Dutch. Andros, as Penn
later remarked with great judiciousness, "tho he was not without
objection . . . certainly did great things."83
Andros took office in a
New York where Englishmen were scarce and their scarcity was not
regretted. To his north were the chronically hostile 'French whom he had
to keep at bay without provocation. To his east were the Puritan
colonies of Connecticut and Massachusetts which, because of Andros'
commission to govern lands claimed by them, were more acutely hostile
than the French. To his south was Baltimore's Maryland with its
dedication to the seizure of the Delaware Bay colonies.
Indian troubles revived everywhere. We have seen already the turmoil in
the south. The Mohawk and Hudson valleys were tensely and uncertainly
testing the viability of the enforced peace between Mohawk and Mahican.
Perpetual skirmish and ambush remained the rule between the Iroquois and
the Indians in alliance with the French. The Connecticut valley was soon
to experience the most violent explosion of all; Andros had been in
office less than eight months when King Philip's War turned New
England's back settlements into shambles. The job that faced Andros was
to bring peace to every point of the compass with the resources of a
sparsely populated province in which he was a stranger who could not
even speak the mother tongue of the majority of his own officials. He
performed this Herculean task by a typically British, thoroughly
pragmatic constitutional revolution. Working from the base already
established by the Dutch, Andros took the materials he had at hand and
created the "covenant chain" of subsequent fame in the history of the
Indian peoples of the middle colonies. At the climactic moment of the
process the Susquehannocks temporarily lost their legal identity as a
nation.
Andros was a systematic man. On assuming office he began to confer
separately with the more important chiefs of the Indian communities
under his jurisdiction, starting with the nearest. By the end of April,
1675, he had concluded agreements of peace and protection with the
tribes of the Hudson valley, Long Island, and northern New Jersey, and
he was ready to manage the troubles on the Delaware.84 Journeying to
Delaware Bay, he gained a treaty with the Lenape and a special friend in
Renowickam, their "Emperor." He took the occasion to dispatch a politely
veiled warning to Lord Baltimore to refrain from further attacks on the
Delaware colonists.85 This was no sooner done than New England exploded,
and Andros had to rush all about the Government to keep matters well and
quiet. Then came the attack of Maryland and Virginia on the
Susquehannock's, with its chain of calamities. Andros' great fear was
that all the Indians from Canada to Virginia would unite in a showdown
war with the English; and when he suddenly discovered that King Philip
was wintering near Albany he knew that his moment of decision was at
hand. If the Mohawks were to join Philip, as some of the Mahicans had
done already, New England's prospects would worsen critically. If the
Lenape in the south were to join their old allies, the Susquehannock's,
for an assault on Maryland, the cost of suppressing them would be high
indeed. In either case the damages to the fur tradethe sine qua non of
New York's existencemight be irreparable. In this crisis the Mohawks and
the Lenape remained constant, each nation in its own way. The Lenape
simply kept the peace that Andros had negotiated with Renowickam. The
Mohawks, armed and directed by Andros, suddenly attacked King Philip and
drove him from his upper Hudson sanctuary among the Mahicans into the
reach of New England's militia.86 New England's historians fail to
credit Andros for his help, following the lead of contemporary New
Englanders who hated him for a variety of reasons, but the evidence is
quite clear that the Mohawks acted on Andros' orders. It appears also
that the Mohawks took the opportunity to pay off old scores against King
Philip's Mahican hosts. Some of the Mahicans fled with Philip; others
besought Andros' protection. In an apparently contradictory, but
actually consistent, development of his strategy, Andros then offered
refuge and sanctuary not only to the errant Mahicans but to all of New
England's Indians who would come within his own jurisdiction; and he
planted metaphorical "trees of welfare" at Scaticook and Albany to
shelter them. Andros later told the Lords of Trade that he was unsure of
the origins of King Philip's War, but certain that "the advantages
thereby were none, the disadvantages very greate and like to be more,
even in the loss of said Indians." Perhaps because there was no pressure
of expanding white population in New York, Andros recognized a large
Indian population, under control, as a commercial asset.87
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Notes: |
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83 |
Penn to ,
Phila., 30 July, 1683, Pa. Mag. of Hist. and Biog. 39 (1915):
pp. 233—234. |
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84 |
Andros to
Capt. Cantwell, 30 April, 1675, N. Y. Go!. Docs. 12: p. 520. |
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85 |
Conference
minutes, Newcastle, 13 May, 1675, N. Y. Go!. Docs. 12: pp.
523—524; Andros to Lord Baltimore, 15 May, 1675, Third Annual
Report of the State Historian of N. V., p. 314. The Lenape
sachem Renowickarn was a man whose considerable historical
importance has escaped notice, partly because of variant
spellings of his name. He had been one of the landowners who
sold Wicaco (a site in present—day South Philadelphia, in the
fork of the Schuylkill and Delaware Rivers) to the Dutch in
1646. Deed, 25 Sept., 1646, Weslager, Dutch Explorers, p. 307. |
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86 |
A Short
Account of the General Concerns of NewYork, 1678, N. Y. Col.
Docs. 3: pp. 254—255; Instructions for Arnout Cornelise and Ro.
Sanders, Albany, 6 Dec., 1675, Minutes of the Court of Albany,
Rensselaerswyck and Schenectady, ed. and trans., A. J. F. Van
Laer (3 v., Albany, 1926—1932) 2: pp. 48—49; Treaty minutes, 1
Aug., 1678, N. Y. Col. Docs. 13: p. 528. |
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87 |
Examination
of T. Warner, 25 Feb., 1675, A Narrative of the Causes which led
to Philip's Indian War …With other Documents, ed., Franklin B.
Hough (Albany, 1858), pp. 143—145; Council minutes, 24 Oct.,
1675, N. Y. Col. Docs. 13: p. 493; Andros to Esopus Magistrates,
6 Jan., 1676, ibid. 13: p. 493; Andros to Wickerscreek sachems,
14 April, 1676, ibid. 13: p. 496; Onondaga orator Sadekanarktie,
Aug., 1694, Penn MSS., Indian Affairs 1: pp. 14, 15, Historical
Society of Pennsylvania (HSP) ; Andros' Answer to Enquiries (early
1678), N. V. Col. Docs. 3: p. 263; Order in Council, 28 March,
1677, ibid. 13: p. 504; Council minutes, 12 March, 1677, ibid.
13.: p. 503; Andros to Albany Magistrates, 12 July, 1677, ibid.,
p. 509; Scaticook orator, 31 Aug., 1700, ibid. 4: p. 744. See
also Account of the Iroquois Indians, n.d., Calendar of State
Papers, Colonial Series, America and the West Indies (42 v.,
London, 1860), vol. 16811685, Doe. 874. |
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