|
|
|
Three weeks after the Iroquois
delegation had left Shackamaxon, Andros increased his pressure on the
Susquehannock's still remaining at the Delaware. He sent word that they
should locate themselves anywhere they pleased within his government
except among the Lenape, "it being dangerous to both." 100 Perhaps he
meant that the Iroquois were willing to start a war with the Lenape for
the sake of the 26 remaining Susquehannock families, but the notion
lacks credibility. The Iroquois had already won by far the majority of
the Susquehannock's, and to argue that Andros was too fearful of them to
attempt to protect the remaining Susquehannock's against them would be
absurd. If Andros could not have protected the Susquehannock's while they
were among the Lenape, he surely could not have protected them against
the Iroquois anywhere else. Andros' insistence that the precise location
at Delaware Bay constituted the hazard reveals that he apprehended the
danger's source to be in Maryland. In spite of his pressure, and
certainly without fear of the Iroquois, the Susquehannock's and the
Lenape continued their previous relationship of guests and hosts.
As remarked earlier, by the time that Maryland's Henry Coursey started
on his peacemaking mission to the Iroquois, full preparation had been
made by his several antagonists to settle matters to their own liking.
Indeed news of his mission came to New Castle as a surprise of dubious
import. An alarm was raised and a company of militia was summoned to man
the fort, "there to bee uppon their Garde and Receive such further order
as shall be found necessary."101
Coursey got little information and less help at New Castle. Captain
Collier, he found, had been an "cviii Instrument" to Maryland, and
Collier showed no signs of change. After Coursey had spent several
frustrating days at New Castle, Jacob Young arrived. Through him,
Coursey finally was able to talk to some of the Indians of the vicinity.
Four Susquehannock's, in tow of Renowickam, came to declare their desire
for peace with Maryland. They were so little in fear of the Iroquoic
that they promised Coursey to "endeavour to speak" with any Iroquois
party that might come to the region, thus "to prevent any mischeife that
may be done" either by the Iroquois or by any Susquehannock's
accompanying them. It was hardly the sort of interview that expectant
victims would normally initiate. Both the Susquehannock's and the Lenape
chief were pleased with Coursey's mission; they promised to send
representatives of their own to New York to join the grand treaty in the
making there.102
The treaty got under way rather slowly. Had the Susquehannocks remained
on the Delaware and Susquehanna rivers, Coursey could have approached
them directly with his own interpreter, Jacob Young. Now, however, he
found that Edmund Andros was to be his intermediary, willynilly. Coursey
spent much of June in New York, haggling with Andros over the terms with
which he would be permitted to approach Andros' wards.103
Though illinformed about the Susquehannock's, Maryland's Council had
expected to have to approach the Iroquois through Andros, so oursey's
formal Instructions had been prepared in reproachless form. Coursey was
to be sure to include Virginia and all the allied Indians in a
"universal" peace. He was to make indemnity to the Iroquois for
"injuries done by our Neighbours to them Unknowne to us." He was to
explain to the Iroquois that Maryland's hostilities had all been
provoked by deceptions practiced by the wicked Susquehannock's: "we
afterwards found out that those very murders which the Susquehannock's
fathered upon the Cinnigos were committed by the Susquehannock's
themselves, and that was the real cause of the war." Coursey was also to
demonstrate Maryland's purity of heart: all this effort was being made
"for to settle our owne peace, nothing [being] more to the decreasing of
his Majesty's Customs than such distractions as take the people from
Planting." As a final sign of Lord Baltimore's good will, Coursey was
"to make a present of One hundred pounds Sterling to the Governor of New
York as a token of his Lordshipps thankfulness for his care and kindness
shewn to this Province."104 After such an explosion of magnanimity,
only a confirmed cynic could still resist the Lord Baltimore's
benevolent designs, but Andros behaved like the boor who accepts an
election bribe only to vote for the other party.
He had reasons. Even while he and Coursey wrestled over treaty terms,
the Maryland Council decided to "grant" 8,000 acres of land "within this
Province [of Maryland] on the Seaboard side" in order to combat settlers
who "doe pretend to be under the Government of New York." Discreetly the
Council decided to postpone "a right understanding" with New York about
the Whorekills jurisdiction until after Henry Coursey had returned with
his treaty safely signed.105 However, the Marylanders underestimated
Andros' capacity to keep himself informed of such matters. Maryland
surveyors had been at work in the Whorekills even before the Maryland
Council acted, and a Whorekills resident had written to inform Andros
about them. While Coursey offered Andros soft words and hard money,
Andros maintained diplomatic urbanity, but he had in his pocket the clue
to Maryland's real intentions.106
On the face of it Coursey's disingenuous approach could hardly disguise
the damage that Coursey proposed to inflict on the Duke of York's
interests. The speech prepared by Coursey as the desired terms of
Maryland's peace went far beyond his open Instructions. He assumed a
haughty, browbeating stance. Maryland had "fallen upon" the
Susquehannock's, he boasted, "and have now so near destroyed them that
they are forced to seek shelter under you [the Iroquois] who were before
their Enemies." As the price of peace Coursey wanted to demand that the
Iroquois police the Susquehannock refugees in their villages. Any
Susquehannock suspected by the Maryland government of criminal activity
would have to be delivered up by the Iroquois for adjudication and
punishment within Maryland and under Maryland law. The effect of such
terms would be to make the Iroquois formally responsible to Maryland
instead of New York.107 The speech was never spoken. What Andros finally
approved for actual delivery to the Iroquois was a bland homily that
kept well within the peace and good will formula of Coursey's formal
Instructions. Not only was the brag about destroying the Susquehannock's
deleted; all reference whatever to those Indians was suppressed. The
treaty became, in form, a negotiation solely between Maryland and the
Iroquois. The sanctions that Coursey had wanted to impose turned into a
mild request for reciprocity of good faith:
Wee are willing that all what is Past, be buryed and forgott you takeing
care (as we shall on our Parts) that your Indians, nor none liveing
among you or comeing through your Countrey, doe for the future Injure
any of our Persons (Piscataway or other our Indians liveing with us) or
goods, and if any ill Person should doe any harm, that there be Present
full Satisfaction given, for all Injuries or dammages.108
Coursey tried to recover the lost ground by getting to the Iroquois
directly. He arranged through Jacob Youngthus avoiding Albany's official
interpreters and censorsto hold a private meeting in his own room. There
he proposed to the sachems that a new conference should be held the
following year, at Onondaga, away from New York's supervision. Always
willing to explore the possibilities of interprovincial competition, the
Iroquois agreed; but, for some unknown reason, Maryland never fulfilled
the arrangement with an actual embassy.109
|
|
|
|
|
Notes: |
|
100 |
Order of
Council, 6 April, 1677, N. Y. Go!. Docs. 12: p. 572. |
|
|
|
|
101 |
Minutes, 15
May, 1677, Records of the Court of New Castle, 1676—1681, Liber
A (MS. photostats), p. 87, HSP. |
|
|
|
|
102 |
Coursey to
Notley, 22 May, 1677, Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: pp. 247—248. |
|
|
|
|
103 |
Council
minutes, 6 June, 1677, N. V. Col. Doc.r. 13: pp. 507—508;
Baltimore to Wm. Blathwait, 11 March, 1682, Md. Arch. (PRO) 5:
p. 349. It should be noted that the New York Council still
referred to the "Maques and Sinnekes Indyans," lumping the four
non—Mohawk nations under the"Seneca" label, though the existence
of "five Respective Castles" was known. The word "Sinnekes" or "Senecas"
was an early Algonquian name for all the upper Iroquois. Van
Laer, Minutes of Fort Orange 2: p.45n. |
|
|
|
|
104 |
Coursey's
Commission and Instruction, 30 April, 1677, Md. Arch. (PRO) 5:
pp. 243—246. |
|
|
|
|
105 |
Minutes, 24
June, 1677, Md. Arch (Council) 15: pp. 153—154. |
|
|
|
|
106 |
Hermanus
Wiltbank to Andros, 11 June, 1677, N. V. Col. Docs. 12: pp.
576—577. |
|
|
|
|
107 |
Proposal to
the Indians, n.d., indorsed "Copy of the Govr. and Council! in
order to Coil. Henry Courcy to be made use of at the Congress
the 15 July 1677," Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: pp. 251—252. |
|
|
|
|
108 |
Propositions
of Henry Coursey, Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: p. 254. Cf. text in
Livingston Indian Records, p. 42, dated at New York, 30 June,
1677. Apparently the Livingston Indian Records text, which is
even milder than the speech finally delivered by Coursey, was
Andros' original bargaining stance. The Maryland Archives text
seems to be the outcome of all the haggling, and seems to have
been delivered on the twentieth of July at Albany. |
|
|
|
|
109 |
Treaty minutes, 6 Oct., 1679,
Livingston Indian Records, p. 51 |
|
|
|
|