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      Glory, Death, And Transfiguration: 
The Susquehannock Indians In The Seventeenth Century
       

 

   

Significance Of Penn's Indians Deeds

 
   
   

Chief Piercing Eyes
Introduction
Prehistory
Neighboring Peoples
Lenape Tributaries
Map 1
Susquehannock Ascendancy
Map 2
Map 3
Dutch Power
English-Dutch-Conflict
Iroquois Defeads
English Conquest
Temporary Peace
The Whorekill Raids
Maryland's New Indian Policy
Susquehannock Removal Into Maryland
Attack On The Susquehannock Fort
Andros' Indian Policies
Andros' Protection
Andros' Ultimatums
Explanation Of The Intrigues
The Treaty Of Shackamaxon
The Treaty Of Albany
Results of The Albany Treaty
Forging Of The Covenant Chain
Susquehannock Revenge
Beginnings Of Pennsylvania
Significance Of Penn's Indians Deeds
Map 4
Jacob Young's Predicament
Origin Of The Iroquois Conquest Myth
Re: Emergence Of Susquehannock Polity
Appendix: Lenape Ownership Of Delaware
   
   
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When Penn realized that he could not succeed in a direct approach to Baltimore, he tried flanking movements. Like the Dutch, he put his trust in purchases from the native owners of the soil. Let us pause for a moment to examine the importance that Penn attached to such purchases. Both his motives and his good sense have been illunderstood. That he expressed benevolence toward the Indians is demonstrated amply by the prices he paid, which were far higher than those given by other Europeans. But Penn also demonstrated great practicality and a deeper knowledge of Indian customs than he has been credited with. Though questions have been raised about the value of Indian deeds because various Indians seem to have sold the same tract of land several times over, Penn, who had the most reason to complain about double purchase, understood the reason for it. He wrote: It hath been the Practice of America, as well as the Reason of the thing itself, even among Indians and Christians, to account not taking up, marking and (in some degree) planting a Reversion of Right; for the Indians do make People buy over again that land [which] the People have not seated in some years after purchase, which is the Practice also of all those [colonial] Governments towards the People inhabiting under them .125

Such an attitude, revealing as it is, might not have supported Penn's hopes to acquire the Chesapeake property, for sparse settlement had already been made at the head of the bay. But the murky history of Maryland and the Susquehannocks gave Penn an exceptional opportunity. The second Lord Baltimore had purchased from the Susquehannocks all the land on the west side of the Chesapeake up to the mouth of the Susquehanna, and had also purchased all the land on the east side of the bay almost up to the east bank of the Susquehanna. Unhappily for Maryland's claims, there was a considerable gap between the two purchases. There may be some significance in the fact that Jacob Young's trading post was located in that gap.126   Be that as it may, the strategic head of the bay remained unpurchased only so long as it took Penn to find the Indian who claimed ownership. On 18 October, 1683, Penn bought "from Maclaloha, owner of said lands," the tract "lying between Delaware, Chesapeake bay and Susquehannah river," consummating the transaction "in the presence of many Indians."127

Maryland protested, as was to be expected, and just possibly Maryland may have been justified. But Baltimorehaving warred upon the Susquehannocks and refused them recognition for a peace was in an awkward position to compete for the purchase of Susquehannock lands. The Marylanders fell back on an assertion that the Indians who sold the land to Penn were not Susquehannocks at all, but Lenape. Very likely this was so, but there is no way of knowing now what sort of arrangements had been made between the Lenape and the Susquehannocks resident among them. It is worth noting that no counter claimants appeared Even the Iroquois, for all their false brag about winning the Susquehanna valley by conquest, did not claim below the location of the Susquehannocks' home fort, and that lay well to the north of Penn's purchase. We may note well also that many Indians witnessed Penn's Chesapeake transaction, and the Indians of Chesapeake and Delaware bays had become well aware of the pecuniary possibilities in land claims. In any case, Penn scored a point. He had bought from native claimants their rights to the land at the head of Chesapeake Bay, and Baltimore had no deed to match his.128

Being a practical man, Penn provided against the possibility that his Chesapeake claim might fail, as it ultimately did. His real concern was to get independent access to the sea, wherever he had to go for it. Lacking guarantees on the Chesapeake, he moved to acquire them on the Delaware. His method was utterly simple: using an early variant of the installment plan, he bought the bay colony. That is to say, he acquired possession from the Duke of York in consideration of paying half the colony's annual revenue to the Duke. What rage must have possessed Lord Baltimore can only be guessed. For thirtyfive years the Calverts had connived and fought to lay hands on the Delaware Bay. Now an interloperand a Quaker!accomplished in a minute what decades of costly intrigue had failed to do. Baltimore's consolation was only that Penn could be fought more openly and more hopefully than the brother of the King.129

Baltimore had some show of justification for his anger. Though Penn's offers to negotiate disputed points were undoubtedly sincere, they came a little late. Even before coming to America, Penn had sent a letter to settlers on the upper Chesapeake to refrain from paying taxes or assessments "by any order or law of Maryland." Baltimore's furious rebuttal included a doortodoor personal canvass of the residents of Marcus Hook on the Delaware, "prohibiteing the inhabitants to pay any more quitt rents to Mr. Penn."130

 

Beginnings Of Pennsylvania

Map 4

   
  Notes:
125

Wm. Penn's Instructions to Capt. Markham respecting Lord Baltimore, ca. 1683, MS., Cadwalader Collection, Thomas Cadwalader (Coates List No. 12), HSP. This is an extraordinarily important document which seems to have been overlooked in historical discussions of Indian land transactions. The principle stated by Penn, of confirming ownership by occupancy, underlay the Homestead Act distribution of public lands by the United States. It is still in force.

   
126

Articles of Peace and freindshipp, 5 July, 1652, Md. Arch. (Council) 3: pp. 277—278; Young's post is clearly identified on John Thornton, A Map of Some of the South and cast bounds of Pennsylvania in America (London, 1681) available in HSP.

   
127

Minutes, 3 Jan., 1783, Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, ed. Samuel Hazard (16 v., Harrisburg, 1838—1853) 13: p. 464; Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: p. 402.

   
128

Maryland's protest was made to Penn by Baltimore's kinsman and Deputy Governor, Col. George Talbot, whose account is in Md. Hist. Mag. 3 (1908): pp. 24—25. The ownership of the tract in question is a thoroughly confused question. Maclaloha or Mahaloha either was a Lenape or had taken a Lenape name. (Authority of Wm. A. Hunter, Chief Historian, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, conversation, August, 1966.) Furthermore, the land tenure system of the Susquehannocks did not allow for individual ownership as among the Lenape; cessions were made by the chiefs acting for the whole nation collectively. But the dispersion of the Susquehannocks in 1675—1677 raises many exceptional issues. Were land rights extinguished by the dispersion? There are some grounds to think that the Shackamaxon treaty may have divided the Susquehannocks' lands as well as their bodies, allotting the portion north of Conestoga to the Iroquois contingent and the portion below Conestoga to the Lenape contingent. A claim apparently was made by the Lenape soon after the Shackamaxon—Albany treaty making, and it was recognized, at least for the purpose of discussion, by the Maryland Council on 13 June, 1678. Md. Arch. (Council) 15: p. 175.

   
129

"The State of the Case . . . concerning . . . NewCastle," and "Proofs to shew that the Dutch had a Settlement . . . ," MSS., Cadwalader Coil., Thomas Cadwalader, fol. Coates List No. 18, HSP; unconsummated grant, copy dated 10 Dec., 1688, MS., Penn Papers, Papers Relating to the Three Lower Counties, 1629—1774, HSP; Baltimore's account of conference with Penn, 13 Dec., 1682, Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: p. 385.

   
130

Penn to Frisby, Jones, and others, London, 16 Sept., 1681, with indorsexnents, The Calvert Papers, Number One, Maryland Historical Society Publications: Fund Publication No. 28 (Baltimore, 1889), pp. 323—325; Information of W. Markham, March, 1685, Md. Arch. (PRO) 5: p. 432.

   

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